Dobrica Ćosić was a Serbian politician, writer, and political theorist. He was the first president . Dаleko je sunce (); Koreni (); Deobe (); Akcija (); Bаjkа (); Moć i strepnje (); Vreme smrti (–) . Cosic writes that “it was as if that person was the only one entrusted with and 23 Dobrica Cosic, Deobev. 1 (Belgrade: Prosveta, ) 24 Cosic, Deobe, v. Dobrica Ćosić (Velika Drenova, kod Trstenika, Kraljevina SHS, decembra . roman Deobe (), u kome se Ćosić ponovo vraća Drugom svjetskom ratu.
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But the years before saw competition between incompatible visions of a socialist Yugoslav society, of which his own was shared by some but, as he came to realize, not all who held power. His conviction that communism in Yugoslavia should and would result in the creation of an entirely new man, with older national identities made less relevant by the development of socialism, smacked of older forms of Serbian Yugoslavism and even Serbian nationalism to many non-Serbs.
Part of his problem was that he simply did not get out much: The promise to the intellectual was of relevance. The burden was to effect such a transformation. But the definition of engagement could vary.
The number of political disagreements that I see in my past offer in that sense a monumental example to future generations. The days of administrative guidance were past, and writers enjoyed a comfort zone which allowed them to debate important issues without the overt interference of the party. The party—especially the ideological commission—was confounded by the debate, concerned but not necessarily well informed.
The party felt that culture was of less import and thus best left to surrogate forums. The very proclamation of a new Yugoslavia implied the need for an active and creative cultural approach emanating from the top. The early application of socialist realist precepts in Yugoslavia betrayed the fact that the national question was considered a function of the greater task of socio-economic transformation.
Even if socialist realism had been abandoned, the standard of superficial, capriciously manipulative cultural policy that it had engendered had not. National identity is cultural identity, so the national question demanded cultural solutions, or at least attention to cultural development.
One observer has identified three meanings for the term as Yugoslav communists used it:.
Yugoslavism was antinationalism—opposition to all the nationalisms of the nations that constitute Yugoslavia; Yugoslavism was patriotism—primarily the struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia from the Germans, Italians, and others who had occupied it; and Yugoslavism was internationalism—the unity of the working people, who would disregard nationality in the struggle for a social revolution. Still, if the League of Communists of Yugoslavia never included any call for the creation of a new Yugoslav nation in any of its pronouncements, the interaction of Marxist theory, Yugoslav modifications to that theory, local and individual interpretations, and a lack of clear directives at the highest levels made for competition, confusion, and often simple disregard for the national orientation and cultural content of Yugoslav communism.
The party was inclined to treat Yugoslav cultural policy as a tool in the amelioration of national relations across the state. Outside of the party, in that semi-autonomous cultural sphere, though, Serbian intellectuals tended to view the creation of a new, Yugoslav, culture as an end in itself, worthy because revolutionary, internationalist, and socialist. The work of the committee was laborious and lasted into the spring of Interestingly, there is very little consideration of cultural questions in those deliberations, with the exception of a few submissions that question the very absence of a strong statement on the role of culture in the building of socialism in Yugoslavia.
Kardelj, the final arbiter where the Program was concerned, 14 was not responsive. We only need to say that coic are as a society interested in general in art and culture and that we will give some money for it. That is, nothing to do with content, but which sort of material policy we should follow.
The absence of concern with culture betrays the obvious: Culture, as such, develops from a materialist base. Culture would not be an actor in the struggle to create a classless society, and culture would not be an actor in the creation of a harmonious multinational Yugoslavia; rather, classlessness and harmony would result from the building of socialism.
They are characteristically mushy. The drama of revolutionary truth becomes the moral drama of this epoch. If communist intellectuals are morally defeated, if they do not have the strength and courage to accept responsibility for the fate of revolutionary Marxist truth, then our epoch will be the epoch of defeated humanism. Whatin other dborica, is a Marxist culture?
Dobrica Ćosić Deobe
Divisions would be his final novel as a committed Titoist; it was written with the same goal that had animated Roots: Like Rootsit received the NIN award for novel of the year, the first time that a writer had been given the award twice. Your bones have long turned grey and—they are silent. That must mean that you are dead. But we meet in dreams.
Every morning the newspaper speaks of you, of killing, of war. There are many of you around. You sharpen your knives. And you use your knives everywhere where freedom stands tall. Who are you, what are you, what did you intend?
In Prerovo, and from both sides of the river, a great gathering and division of people. Not all at once, and not final. Then consciously, as Prerovians will, laboriously sticking to the meadows, vinyards, and forests, they sewed death to the Germans and their allies.
And assuredly, our own, richly so. But first off we began the argument about the timing. With the divisions established. We no longer divided ourselves between the superior and the dependent, owners and laborers; we were no longer comrades, nor friends, nor relatives, nor countrymen.
We became simply those who slaughtered and those who were to be slaughtered, just daggers and necks. Fear is in everything: Only wars cross it through Serbia, in both directions only death; death under all sorts of omens.
The fear of forests, skies, Morava, paths, fear of day and night, sons inherit from their fathers; fear is in the blood, eyes, hands, and smiles, and songs; fear is love, and hate; it is an immeasurable, primeval richness. In every life, and always: One must go to Serbia, authentic, peasant, true Serbia.
There the war must begin. It is this Serbia which the communists want to inflame and destroy. Our fateful error from the Balkan wars to now is that we, politicians, intellectuals, and all sorts of ideologues, gave in to the miserly, marketplace mentality: They hate us, they will be revenged on us.
Besides, wars have always been peasant revenge on the city. And this war will be no different. He gives idealistic expression to his indifference to the peasant by presenting it as principle: Yes, even more than bread. Democracy is the right to go hungry.
Two pairs of fathers and sons reflect that eternal order: Throughout the entire world. Serbia is patri- and fratri- cidal. Its history tells us so. This is already the third Serbian uprising. In the first, Karadjordje killed his father. First he got the Turk into his grasp, then notched him with his knife.
That, peasants, was the second Serbian uprising. When he wrote it between andhe was moved by the purest of motives: He did not, and would never, attempt to rehabilitate that movement, and his well-intentioned desire to come to an understanding of it would founder in any case because he was the captive of such visceral and horrifying imagery.
The notion that evil can step in and too easily split the primordially divisive Serbian people and victimize those pure who remained did not require much modification as new Serbian enemies appeared, from without and within.
Dobrica Ćosić – Wikipedia
Pirjevec called upon an idiosyncratic understanding of Marxism cosuc support the notion that nationality is an integral part of human identity, and that any attempt to create a Yugoslav socialism that undermined national identity could not be supported in ideological or human terms.
Yugoslavism which is a social, and not a national category; Yugoslavism which is society and not a nation; Yugoslavism which is consistent with deobs Yugoslavism which does not negate national independence and xeobe no way denies national liberty. European armies withdrew to their trenches, with white flags raised in the air…there was a Croat, metal worker, revolutionary, secretary of the Communist party, who entered the history of Yugoslavia, the Balkans and Europe with his strong step, with new ideas, angry and tender voice, different in every way from any odbrica, general, or politician to that point in the Balkans; he was a man dsobe to alter the fate of this land, to mark its most decisive epoch with his name and work.
For the first time, the LCY re-examined the organization of the state, albeit from a purely economic perspective. But in December and January two conferences of economists produced reports that called into doubt the conservative position. The result of expanded dialogue about economic change was a series of proposals, ranging from the creation of a virtually free market to the return to full central planning. The controversy over economic reform acted as camouflaged political debate.
The conservative position found support among some, but not all, Serbian economists.
One historian has noted that in spite of the economic logic of the liberal market reform position, many Csoic economists nonetheless gravitated to the conservative position out of a sense of national loyalty. The Eighth Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, held in December seobe Belgrade, placed the party seal of approval on economic reforms supported by the liberals. Writers were no exception.
The League of Writers of Yugoslavia was created to pass policy directives from the state and party coaic the social and political ladder to the new literary elite of Yugoslavia. For those writers favoring reorganization, the unveiling of the new program seemed a useful moment to make the next logical transition, towards greater integration and, importantly, more substantive Yugoslavism.
But extant documents indicate that only 37 writers signed, with Serbs being most represented. The Serbian Writers Association met on February 21, He had been asked to provide a written proposal for consideration before the meeting but did not do so.
The existing proposal was imprecise. Would these special groups meet outside of the boundaries of the League of Writers, because if so, there was then no need for the League to pass judgment. I have no formula, I have no prepared concrete proposal. We need to think it over, we need to agree in principle whether there is any sense in doing something deeobe in supporting something like this….
I see in this the possibility of shaking up our literary life in a positive sense, to make possible in a positive sense some sort of initiatives which might be objectively useful socially, culturally, however you like. I think that we have in our society, in our association, in relations between writers, a series of problems of clsic and other natures, about which we should talk…One of the motives, not the only one, not the first one, comrade Dobrica mentioned a second ago.
That is the problem of relations of us writers towards that which is called Yugoslavia. Deoge think, comrades, that creating a national culture, contributing with our work to the creation of a consciousness, a self-feeling in broad strokes of a nation, one writer, a citizen of this country, surely cannot remain limited only to his narrow homeland, nor only to doobrica republic, but has in view, and must have in view, his entire country.
And I can tell you that in Zagreb, in Deobr, or in Skoplje, in Sarajevo, or in Titograd there are writers, I have comrades, I have friends, dohrica are much closer, much tighter than many writers, many of my friends and comrades here, regarding a whole series of ideas, a whole set of conceptions.