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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. On a One-sided Interpretation of the Yugoslav Past: Beck, Serbian translation Istorija Jugoslavije u Clio,p. T he author of this synthesis is the German historian of Croatian origin Marie-Janine Calic, daughter of the historian and writer Eduard Calic. Prior to her current position as professor of history at Ludwig Maximilian University in Munich, she was a researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs in Ebenhausen and Berlin — She is already known to Serbian readership by her book Social his- tory of Serbia — Sluggish progress in industrialisation derived from her doctoral thesis.

A look at the contents of the book itself reveals a certain imbalance.

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If we take it as somewhat understandable that the period preceding the creation of Yugoslavia, —, is given 78 pages, the criterion remains vague for devoting as few as 64 pages to the first Yugoslav state, and as two and a half as many,to communist Yugoslavia, — On the other hand, the author puts much effort doslje making the book appear balanced by seeking to distribute her attention evenly among, and by taking a generally positive attitude towards, all Yugoslav peoples, including those that are not South Slavs Albanians.

All bracketed pages in the text refer to the Serbian edition of the book. Similar confusion bremanov be found later in the book, for example, with reference to the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia 2 Calic also claims that the population was half Christian and half Muslim, which is not true.

For precise data that indicate a Muslim majority see M. Calic is obviously unaware of the Austro-Hungarian census of which shows a population of about 1.

For more detail see D. It is a hermanov why she clearly identifies inhabitants of some Dosijw areas Slovenes, Germans, Italians, even Al- banians and Turks while subsuming others under more general categories Slavs. In point of fact, the lack of clear-cut criteria is one of the major scholarly shortcomings of this book. This as well as arbitrariness can best be seen in the case of the popula- tion of Montenegro. Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy — Hrvat, velikohrvat ili Jugosloven Jagodina: SKZ, To illustrate her claim, she chooses to speak of Serbs alone, and invoking the second-hand information Leon Trotsky gathered while sitting safely in a Belgrade hotel: Seton-Watson described as an instrument of Bulgarian propaganda.

The assas- sination is described neither as the cause of the war nor as organised by the Serbian government nor as predominantly orchestrated from Serbia. Dlsije does not mention the indiscriminate destructive anti-Serbian demonstrations in the aftermath of the assassination, to which the authori- ties turned a blind eye, or murders, hangings, deportations to camps, high treason trials and various other forms of discrimination against the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Patnje Srba Bosne i Hercegovine za vreme svetskog rata — Sarajevo: As observed by A. In Serbian Macedonia was an ethnic mix-up of Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians, Vlachs, Greeks, Macedonian Slavswhile 42 of 54 counties in Bosnia-Herzegovina had voted for immediate and un- dlsije unification with the Kingdom of Serbia by 3 December when the voting process was ceased because it was learnt that unification had been proclaimed in Belgrade two days earlier. Istorija Srba u novom veku — Belgrade: SKZ,— Tomac, Prvi svetski rat — Belgrade: This remark perhaps uncon- sciously summed up the attitude of the dominant Croat elites towards the new state.


On the other hand, Serbia saw the new state as the accomplishment of the national striving for the libera- tion and unification of Serb-inhabited areas. In doing so, Calic fails to acknowledge the tremendous achievements the Kingdom made precisely in the area of modernisation: Calic overlooks that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was organised on the model of France, the most progressive European nation at the time, and that its demolishers, with the exception of Croat nationalists, were external forces of fascist and authoritarian persuasion: It is even safe to say that inwhen the Kingdom was reorganised into bano- vinas, they practically obtained a rounded-off ethnic territory: The fact is completely ignored that Slovenes had strong support from Belgrade and King Alexander himself who made considerable personal do- nations to various Slovenian scientific and cultural institutions.

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A similar if milder confusion about the identity of Bosnian Muslims can be found later in the book pp. If Yugoslavism indeed enabled a practically unimpeded building of distinctive national identities, it is unclear why Calic seeks to suggest a greater-Serbian hegemonism.

Finally, there is a very explicit, and as uncritical, conclusion: So, what we have here is not only an absurd confusion but also an injustice to the fol- lowers of the Young Bosnia movement, genuine supporters of Serbian and Yugoslav unification.

Rad,— and — As opposed to factories in Slovenia and Croatia inSerbia had no more than 70, and the end of the war had found it ravaged in every way, including the loss of a third of its pre-war population. Of a total of 2. Of its civil servants in, or 9.

Calic also fails to mention the fact that a considerable number of officers of the former Austro-Hungarian army were admitted to the ranks of the new army of the Kingdom of SCS, even some known to have committed crimes against Serbs.

She mentions the Third Bernanov of the CPY held in Januarymistakenly calling it the Third Congress which, however, was held in Vienna inwhich addressed the national question for the first time p. Calic is obviously unaware that the attitude of the Catholic Church at first towards the creation of the Yugoslav state and then the state itself was on the whole explicitly negative,31 while the Croatian Catholic movement can hardly be described as laic.

Nermanov the importance and extent of the support extended to the communists is played up, dosje importance of the Ustasha movement and the extent of support it enjoyed is, to put it mildly, downplayed, which is combined with an attempt to equate it with its ideological counterpart in Serbia, the Zbor movement, which had a negligible bermwnov in its environment pp.

Even though formally balanced dosijr unbiased, the next part of the book, devoted to the Yugoslav space in the Second World War, suffers from serious shortcomings: Apart from bermqnov slight differences and scarce critical remarks, invariably made in passing, her interpretation dosij coincides with the official Titoist narrative, or the official version of history imposed in the course of the thirty-five years of communist dictatorship in the second Yugoslavia.

Nolit, ; N. Prilozi za istoriju Belgrade: Calic almost dosijr accepts doosije official communist interpretation of the civil war —45, especially as regards the relationship between Chet- niks and Partisans pp. She argues explicitly that D.

A photograph of the poster is available in books that Calic cites. Nor is there any mention of many non-Serbs in the ranks of his bermanpv e. Rutgers University Press, Fasquelle, ; N. Yugoslavia and the West London: Gollancz, ; K.


Od otpora do gradjanskog rata, 2. BIGZ, —95 ; K. Bajt, Bermanov dosije Belgrade: There are detailed descriptions of their difficulties in p. As far as the uprising of is concerned, Calic does mention that Chetniks and Partisans fought together against the Wehrmacht, but fails to impart the important fact that the first liberated city in occupied Europe was Loznica, western Serbia: She also mentions that the two parted ways in Septemberbut places the blame on the Chetniks p.

Highest functionaries of the communist movement V. Velebit at the above- mentioned March negotiations, the Partisan army had about 50,— 60, combatants.

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Moreover, the AVNOJ was not even a representative body with any kind of legitimacy but rather an ad- hoc assembly of communist functionaries and few bermankv pre-war politicians. The other oversight is one of selectiveness. Both chapters devoted to ethnic cleansings, mass crimes and the dy- namic of violence offer detailed accounts and rightfully point to the crimes committed by Ustasha, Chetnik, German, Italian, Hungarian, Bulgarian and Albanian forces pp.

This is yet another attempt bermaanov false balance or ethnic symmetry, at equating D.


The ddosije two quotations of several similar in this part of the book would seem a good illustration: But then again dosoje did not have the character that Calic ascribes to them given that they were more often than not committed against Serbs of different ideological persuasions e.

For more on this see S. Calic even mentions a few other clerics who took part in Cathol- icisation and crimes p. Magnum Crimen, the monumental book of Viktor Novak,43 a Croatian historian of Yugoslav orientation appalled at the complicity of the Catholic clergy in the Ustasha regime, amply furnished with archival documents, press ex- cerpts and first-hand testimonies, is not even listed in the bibliography, let alone quoted from.

The last chapter of begmanov part of the book devoted to the Second World War is concerned with the estimated number of war victims but most of all with how those victims, as a negative legacy, burdened relations among the Yugoslav peoples, notably Serbs and Croats. Calic rightly observes that the official figure of 1. Steinberg, All or Nothing. Routledge, ; M. For additional documentary evidence for the mass collaboration of the Catholic clergy see D.

Prilozi za Magnum Crimen Belgrade: Nova knjiga, and D. Kardelj at the Paris conference in The censuses of and were not sufficiently reliable, and there was no way to estimate how many people had been killed, how many had died in concentration camps, how many had never returned from emigration or managed to leave the country at the end of the war.

However, in his report to Himmler of FebruaryGlaise-Horstenau gave an estimate of more thanSerbs viciously murdered by the Ustashas. Centar film, A reliable overview is provided by E. Paris, Genocide in Satellite Croatia — Institute for Balkan Affairs, Once the German troops were driven out, they handed over power to the Partisans. A few dozen thousand farmers, lawyers, pre-war civil servants, small and big industrial- ists, merchants, artisans, priests and intellectuals were accused of collabo- rationism and, as a bermanof without due judicial process, executed while their property was confiscated.

SAD i Jugoslavija — Belgrade: Institut za savremenu istoriju,